英语翻译DISCUSSIONSupporting our thesis,participants in our expe
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英语翻译
DISCUSSION
Supporting our thesis,participants in our experiment who were given mere or reward goals overstated their productivity significantly more often than participants who were asked to do their best.However,we found that participants were not purely opportunistic.For example,reward goal
participants did not take money they did not claim to have earned (with a single $1 exception)— even though they could have easily and anonymously done so.Similarly,participants in the goal conditions did not simply claim to have reached their goals in every round.Instead,participants’ behavior followed specific patterns.First,participants with goals were more likely to overstate their productivity than were participants without goals.Second,participants were more likely to overstate their productivity when they were close to,rather than far from,reaching their goals.
The majority of participants did not overstate their productivity.For example,even in the reward goal condition,fewer than one-third of participants (30.2%) overstated their performance when they had the opportunity to do so.Compared to a benchmark of no overstatements (allowing for random errors),however,there was a significant amount of unethical behavior that differed systematically and predictably across conditions.
Our results are consistent with Bandura’s (1991) social cognitive theory,which suggests that people receive psychological rewards for attaining goals.Like Lewicki (1983),we assumed that people balance the costs and benefits of engaging in unethical behavior.We conceptualized these costs and benefits to include both psychological costs (such as negative self-perceptions) and psychological benefits (such as the psychological reward of claiming goal achievement).It is consistent with this conceptualization that we found that participants with mere goals,who obtained no monetary or social rewards for reaching goals,were more likely to overstate their productivity than were participants attempting to do their best.This pattern of findings suggests that goal setting alone,without economic incentives,increases the value people derive from overstating productivity.
DISCUSSION
Supporting our thesis,participants in our experiment who were given mere or reward goals overstated their productivity significantly more often than participants who were asked to do their best.However,we found that participants were not purely opportunistic.For example,reward goal
participants did not take money they did not claim to have earned (with a single $1 exception)— even though they could have easily and anonymously done so.Similarly,participants in the goal conditions did not simply claim to have reached their goals in every round.Instead,participants’ behavior followed specific patterns.First,participants with goals were more likely to overstate their productivity than were participants without goals.Second,participants were more likely to overstate their productivity when they were close to,rather than far from,reaching their goals.
The majority of participants did not overstate their productivity.For example,even in the reward goal condition,fewer than one-third of participants (30.2%) overstated their performance when they had the opportunity to do so.Compared to a benchmark of no overstatements (allowing for random errors),however,there was a significant amount of unethical behavior that differed systematically and predictably across conditions.
Our results are consistent with Bandura’s (1991) social cognitive theory,which suggests that people receive psychological rewards for attaining goals.Like Lewicki (1983),we assumed that people balance the costs and benefits of engaging in unethical behavior.We conceptualized these costs and benefits to include both psychological costs (such as negative self-perceptions) and psychological benefits (such as the psychological reward of claiming goal achievement).It is consistent with this conceptualization that we found that participants with mere goals,who obtained no monetary or social rewards for reaching goals,were more likely to overstate their productivity than were participants attempting to do their best.This pattern of findings suggests that goal setting alone,without economic incentives,increases the value people derive from overstating productivity.
讨论
能支持我们的论文的事实是,那些我们制定了单纯的目标或者有回报的目标的参与者,他们对生产能力的夸大程度比那些仅让他们尽力而为的参与者要大得多.然而我们发现,参与者们均未拿走他们不应得的报酬(只有1美元的例外),即使这种做法是轻而易举且不记名的.与此相似,有目标的参与者们并不只是简单地在每一轮声称他们完成目标了,他们的行为遵循一定的模式.首先,有目标的参与者比没有目标的参与者更有可能夸大他们的生产能力.其次,越接近目标而不是远离目标时,参与者更有可能夸大他们的生产能力.
参与者的大多数并没有夸大能力.例如,即使在有回报的目标的情况下,当他们有机会时,只有不到三分之一的参与者(30.2%)夸大了他们的表现.然而和没有夸大的基准相比(随机误差考虑在内),不同情况下存在着大量系统性可预测的表现不一的不道德行为.
我们的结果与Bandura(1991)的社会认知理论相符,这个理论指出人们接受心理上的奖励来实现目标.和Lewicki(1983)相似,我们假定人们利用不道德行为来平衡其成本和收益.我们把这些成本和收益概念化时,包括了心理成本(比如负面的自我认知)和心理收益(比如声称完成目标时的心理回报).这种概念化的结果和我们的发现一致,那些只给了目标、完成目标后没有金钱或社会回报的参与者比尽力而为的参与者更有可能会夸大他们的能力.这种发现的行为模式显示了设立目标本身,如果没有经济诱因的话,会提高人们从夸大能力得到的价值.
能支持我们的论文的事实是,那些我们制定了单纯的目标或者有回报的目标的参与者,他们对生产能力的夸大程度比那些仅让他们尽力而为的参与者要大得多.然而我们发现,参与者们均未拿走他们不应得的报酬(只有1美元的例外),即使这种做法是轻而易举且不记名的.与此相似,有目标的参与者们并不只是简单地在每一轮声称他们完成目标了,他们的行为遵循一定的模式.首先,有目标的参与者比没有目标的参与者更有可能夸大他们的生产能力.其次,越接近目标而不是远离目标时,参与者更有可能夸大他们的生产能力.
参与者的大多数并没有夸大能力.例如,即使在有回报的目标的情况下,当他们有机会时,只有不到三分之一的参与者(30.2%)夸大了他们的表现.然而和没有夸大的基准相比(随机误差考虑在内),不同情况下存在着大量系统性可预测的表现不一的不道德行为.
我们的结果与Bandura(1991)的社会认知理论相符,这个理论指出人们接受心理上的奖励来实现目标.和Lewicki(1983)相似,我们假定人们利用不道德行为来平衡其成本和收益.我们把这些成本和收益概念化时,包括了心理成本(比如负面的自我认知)和心理收益(比如声称完成目标时的心理回报).这种概念化的结果和我们的发现一致,那些只给了目标、完成目标后没有金钱或社会回报的参与者比尽力而为的参与者更有可能会夸大他们的能力.这种发现的行为模式显示了设立目标本身,如果没有经济诱因的话,会提高人们从夸大能力得到的价值.
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